Betrothed to the Prince (Mills & Boon Cherish) (Catching the Crown, Book 2)

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THE contest for the succession which resulted in the elevation of my family — the Keaweaheulu line — to royal honors is of course a matter of history. Since the king had refused to nominate his successor, the election was with the legislature. It must not be forgotten, however, that the unwritten law of Hawaii Nei required that the greatest chief, or the one having the most direct claim to the throne, must rule. The legislature could not choose from the people at large, but was confined to a decision between rival claimants having an equal or nearly equal relation in the chiefhood to the throne.

Queen Emma's claim was not derived through her own family, but as the widow of Liholiho, one of the Kamehamehas. The great-grandfather of Kalakaua the other claimant , and Kamehameha I. Now, it is not denied that Queen Emma had a rightful candidacy. It has already been seen that the king hesitated, and finally failed to decide between her rights and those of our family to succession. It was not the duty of the legislature to determine the question. From the fact that Queen Emma was a resident of Honolulu, the capital, and the immediate scene of the election, has arisen the impression that she was the real choice of the Hawaiian people.

She naturally had about her a considerable personal following, scheming for office, and a large body of retainers, all within the city and environs; and hence could there make a formidable showing. She had also, of course, partisans here and there throughout the Islands.

Her canvass was, however, limited almost exclusively to intrigue within the city, while Kalakaua and his friends sought the suffrages of the country people and their representatives. Each party was vigorous in its own way, and there was great excitement.

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It cannot be said that either party felt much assurance as to the result, until the vote was actually declared. But Queen Emma herself seems never to have doubted that she must be the chosen sovereign; and it was policy for her advisers to flatter her expectation, upon which their own fortunes hung.

For this she should rather have our sympathy than our reprobation. Her active candidacy was legitimate, and compatible with public spirit. But for her subsequent course there is little justification. Her disappointment assumes too personal a manifestation to be excused in the representative of royal responsibilities. It is therefore because of its political consequence that I deem it proper to record here what will doubtless seem to the public, from any other point of view, a mere detail of feminine pettiness.

It is a fact that Queen Emma ardently desired and hoped to succeed King Lunalilo, and that during the time that he lay unconscious, with life barely perceptible to those of us who stood nearest him, she was busily whispering among her friends the details of her plans. I was presently informed that she purposed to supersede General Dominis by Mr. Pratt as governor of Oahu, and that various other government positions had been promised. But if our party attended with its eyes to the intrigue, it at least maintained silence until the king died, and his remains were removed to Iolani Palace, and laid in state in the Red Chamber on the royal feather robe of Princess Nahienaena, the sister of Kamehameha III.

At the first and only ballot it was found that David Kalakaua was elected, receiving thirty-nine votes to the six votes cast for the rival candidate, Queen Emma. The vote, no doubt a surprise to Honolulu, being declared to the people who surrounded the legislative halls, was received with acclamation, mingled with shouts of disapproval.

Naturally, the partisians of Queen Emma, being residents of Honolulu, and some of them inspired with liquor, were easily incited to riotous action. They were re-enforced by her own dependants, who came to their assistance from her residence. This was between three and four o'clock of the afternoon of the 12th of February, An attack was made by the mob on the legislature; furniture was demolished; valuable books, papers, and documents which belonged to the court or to the attorney-general's office were scattered abroad or thrown from the windows.

Clubs were freely used on such unlucky members of the assembly as could be found within the walls, and some were thrown through the open windows by the maddened crowd. Many men were sent to the hospital for treatment of their broken heads or bruised bodies. But this was not an expression of the Hawaiian people; it was merely the madness of a mob incited by disappointed partisans whom the representatives of the people had rebuked.

In the mean time, the newly elected King Kalakaua, the Princess Likelike, and myself were quietly awaiting returns in the house which had been the residence of Queen Emma while her husband was the reigning monarch. At this date she resided in the house of her mother, Mrs. Fanny Rooke, and we were the only occupants of the mansion of Liholiho. There was complete tranquility also at Iolani Palace, where the late king's remains still lay in state, a few soldiers only being on guard about the chamber in which rested all that was mortal of the deceased monarch.

Presently a lady, Miss Hannah Smithies, came into our presence, and abruptly told my brother that he was the king of the Hawaiian people. He could not believe the matter already settled, and leaving us, walked out a little distance with an idea of meeting some one to confirm or deny the report; he soon returned, closely followed by Mr. Aholo and Mr. Judd, who not only brought him the same news, but informed him of the disturbances at the court-house, from which they said they had but just escaped with their lives. These two friends were followed by Hon. Bishop, Minister of Foreign Affairs under the late king, who warmly congratulated my brother on his ascension to the throne, and confirmed the statement that a most serious riot was in progress in the business part of the city.

No dependence could be placed on the police nor on the Hawaiian Guards; these had proved unfaithful to their duties to preserve order, and had in some cases joined the partisans of Queen Emma in their riotous actions. So Mr. Bishop asked the king's advice as to whether it would not be wisest to appeal at once to the foreign vessels of war, of which there were three in the harbor, that they might land their forces and restore tranquility to the city.

In view of the fact that a riot was in progress, that the halls of justice were in possession of a mob rendered irresponsible by the use of liquor, and that night was approaching, when incendiarism might be feared, my brother, the king elect, my husband, the late Governor Dominis, and Hon. Bishop, Minister of Foreign Affairs, united in a request to Hon. Henry A. Pierce, the American Minister, that armed men might be landed from the American ships Tuscarora and Portsmouth, to sustain the government in its determination to preserve order, and protect the lives and property of all residents of the city of Honolulu.

A force was also landed from the British man-of-war Tenedos, whose commander, Captain Ray, being absent on shore, the responsibility was assumed by his executive officer, Lieutenant Bromley. Commander Belknap and Commander Skerrett of the United States forces took possession of the square on which the court-house is built; and on seeing this, the mob melted silently and entirely away. The armed marines subsequently, at the request of the Hawaiian authorities, guarded the treasury, arsenal, jail, and station-house.

The British marines were marched to the residence of Queen Emma, and, after dispersing the rioters assembled there, they occupied the barracks and guarded the palace itself. There was no permanent damage done by the disturbance. The Hawaiian people are excitable, but not given to bloodshed or malignant destruction of property. Pierce has been quoted as furnishing a precendent for that of Minister John J. Nothing could be more incorrect. When the town was in danger, and the lives and property of all classes in peril, even then, until written request was made by the king, by the governor of Oahu, and by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, no interference was made by foreign war-ships.

When armed forces were landed it was to sustain and protect the constitutional government at a mere momentary emergency from a disloyal mob. The constitutional government of and the governor of Oahu not only made no request to Minister Stevens, but they absolutely protested against his actions , as an unwarranted interposition of foreign forces in a dispute which had arisen between the queen and a few foreign residents. It was on the request of these latter that Minister Steven's acts were based, at a time when, save for differences of political opinion, the city was perfectly tranquil.

Even had there been a disturbance, no one but the government could have authorized the employment of alien troops. Governor Nahaolelua of Maui, one of her trusted adherents, had left the house early to carry to Queen Emma the news of Kalakaua's election. When she learned the result from the lips of one of her own friends, she could no longer doubt its truth, though it was unexpected and unacceptable.

On the day following the riot she set for Mr. Nahaolelua, and demanded of him if it were not possible to ask for another vote in the legislature on the question of the succession. What might have been the result had he consented to this, cannot be told; for while the matter was in discussion at Queen Emma's residence, there broke in upon their deliberations the booming of the salute of twenty-one guns, indicated that my brother Kalakaua had taken the oath of office.

This would have made any further opposition nothing less than treason, and the matter was consequently dropped. Queen Emma never recovered from her great disappointment, nor could she reconcile herself to the fact that our family had been chosen as the royal line to succeed that of the Kamehamehas. All those arrested for disturbing the peace the day of the election were her own retainers. Two days after the trouble she came to the palace, and used her influence with King Kalakaua to have them released. As the king went to the audience chamber to receive her, he spoke to the queen and myself, asking us to be present and assist at the reception with himself; but before we could comply with his wishes she had seen him, made her request, and then withdrew hastily from the rooms without awaiting the entrance of Queen Kapiolani or myself.

Why she should cherish such bitterness of spirit against the queen is past my comprehension. Queen Kapiolani had been aunt to Queen Emma, having been the wife of her uncle Namakeha, and had nursed the young prince, the son of Alexander Liholiho, although her rank not only equalled, but was superior to, that of Queen Emma, the child's mother.

The sweet disposition and amiable temper of Queen Kapiolani never allowed her to resent in the least the queen dowager's bitterness, nor would she permit herself to utter one word of reproach against the mother of the child she had herself so dearly loved. In this respect my brother's wife showed her truly Christian character, and there were occasions when the lack of courtesy on the part of the Queen Emma became something very like insult. For instance, it is the custom with the members of the highest families, the chiefs of the Hawaiian people, at such time as it is known that any one of their rank is ill, to go the house of the chief so indisposed, and remain until recovery is assured, or to be present at the deathbed, if such should be the result.

On these occasions, if Queen Emma met Queen Kapiolani, who, of course, from this date became, as my brother's wife, the lady of the highest rank in our nation, she would studiously avoid recognizing her. Many and many a time did Kalakaua make the effort to bring about a reconciliation between the two ladies; but although Queen Kapiolani would have assented to anything consistent with the dignity of womanhood, Queen Emma would not make the least concession.

Even in the very residence of my brother, visiting the palace at the invitation of the king, if the queen were present she avoided recognizing her, and would at times rise and leave when Queen Kapiolani entered, saluting no one but the king as she retired; although this was an outrageous impertinence to the queen under her own roof, it was through Christian charity ignored by its recipient.

Notwithstanding this persistent anger, my brother-in-law Hon. Cleghorn, prevailed on his wife, the Princess Likelike, to continue the acquaintance. I confess that my own patience with such displays was not equal to a like forbearance; and, as I would not stoop to court her favor, nor could accept, without proper and dignified notice, her overbearing demeanor towards myself, Queen Emma never forgave me my own rank and position in the family which was chosen to reign over the Hawaiian people.

It did not trouble me at all, but I simply allowed her to remain in the position in which she chose to place herself. Kalakaua never forgot to invite Queen Emma to all the entertainments given at the palace, and on state occasions he strove to do her the highest honor. At the opening or closing of the legislature a seat was reserved for her appropriate to her rank as queen dowager, but she never showed the king in any way that she appreciated his courtesy.

MY brother's reign began on Feb. The prince became regent during the first absence of Kalakaua from his kingdom, on a tour abroad of which I shall soon speak. He was a very popular young man, about twenty years of age, having been born on the 10th of January, But the amiable prince was not to live to ascend the throne, or even for any extended enjoyment of those social pleasures in which he bore so prominent a part. He died on the 10th of April, , having been in the position of heir apparent for about three years.

He had the same love of music, the like passion for poetry and song, which have been so great a pleasure to me in my own life, as well as to our brother, King Kalakaua. He had a taste for social pleasures, and enjoyed the gay and festive element of life. During the absence of the king, there were three separate clubs or musical circles engaged in friendly rivalry to outdo each other in poetry and song. These were the friends and associates of the prince regent, those of the Princess Likelike, and my own friends and admirers. Our poems and musical compositions were repeated from one to another, were sung by our friends in the sweetest rivalry, and their respective merits extolled: but candor compels me to acknowledge that those of Prince Leleiohoku were really in advance of those of his two sisters, although perhaps this was due to the fact that the singing-club of the regent was far superior to any that we could organize; it consisted in a large degree of the very purest and sweetest male voices to be found amongst the native Hawaiians.

They were all fine singers, and these songs, in which our musical circles then excelled, are to be heard amongst our people to the present day. And yet it still remains true that no other composer but myself has ever reduced them to writing. This may seem strange to musical people of other nations, because the beauty and harmony of the Hawaiian music in general and of these songs in particular have been so generally recognized.

But as soon as a popular air originated, it was passed along from its composer to one of his most intimate friends; he in turn sang it to another, and thus its circulation increased day by day. It was not long before every one had the same knowledge of the new melody as happens in communities where a new and favorite air is introduced by an opera company. With other nations music is perpetuated by note and line, with us it is not.

The ancient bards of the Hawaiian people thus gave to history their poems or chants; and the custom is no different to this day, and serves to show the great fondess and aptness of our nation to poetry and song. I will now return to the date of the departure of my brother, King Kalakaua, to the United States. Yielding to the wishes of those residents of his domains who were from American or missionary stock, my brother had organized the negotiation of a treaty of closer alliance or reciprocity with the United States; and even before leaving home he had commissioned Judge Allen and Minister Carter to submit such a treaty to the American government.

To advance the interests of this movement by his personal presence, he accepted passage for himself and his suite on the ship-of-war Benicia, and sailed for San Francisco in the autumn of My husband, the late General J. Pierce accompanied him on his travels. One of the officers of this steamship was Lieutenant Whiting, who received permission to accompany King Kalakaua to Washington. He is now a commander, and has since married Miss Afong, one of a large family of children, all girls, whose mother is one of our people, but whose father was a rich Chinese resident, now returned to his native land.

From the moment of landing my brother made friends, and was treated with the kindest consideration by the American people of all classes. There was a very strong feeling of friendship between the king and the late General U. It amounted almost to recognized fraternity. The result of this visit is well known. It secured that for which the planters had gained the endorsement of the king; it resulted in the reciprocity treaty of Jan.

So this, one of the first official acts of King Kalakaua, was very satisfactory to the party in power; but even then there were a few who protested against the treaty, as an act which would put in peril the independence of our nation. The impressions of the people are sometimes founded upon truth; and events have since proved that such was the case here, — that it was the minority which was right in its judgment of the consequences of the Hawaiian concession of to the power of the foreigner. On Oct. Cleghorn the child now known to the world as the Princess Kaiulani. She was at once recognized as the hope of the Hawaiian people, as the only direct heir by birth to the throne.

Kaiulani was only six months old when my brother, Prince William Leleiohoku died; and it was evident that the vacancy must be instantly filled. The Princess Ruth, daughter of Pauahi and Kekuanaoa, who had adopted Leleiohoku, had asked of the king if she herself could not be proclaimed heir apparent; and this suggestion was placed before the king's counselors at a cabinet meeting, but it was objected that, if her petition was granted, then Mrs.

Pauahi Bishop would be the next heir to the throne, as they were first cousins. At noon of the tenth day of April, , the booming of the cannon was heard which announced that I was heir apparent to the throne of Hawaii. FROM this moment dates my official title of Liliuokalani, that being the name under which I was formally proclaimed princess and heir apparent to the throne of my ancestors. Now that this important matter had been decided by those whom the constitution invests with that prerogative, it became proper and necessary for me to make a tour of the islands to meet the people, that all classes, rich and poor, planter or fisherman, might have an opportunity to become somewhat acquainted with the one who some day should be called to hold the highest executive office.

The first journey undertaken was that of encircling the island on which the capital city of Honolulu is situated; we therefore started from our home to make the trip around the coast-line of Oahu, a tour of nearly one hundred and fifty miles, following the roads which wind along on the brink of the ocean. This we proposed to do on horseback; although my carriage, where I could rest if required, accompanied the party.

Our cavalcade was a large one; my immediate companions being my husband, General J. O Dominis, governor of the island, and my sister, the Princess Likelike, wife of Hon. Cleghorn, who was attended by her personal suite. But large numbers are no discouragement to Hawaiian hospitality, especially under the additional inspiration of the love and loyalty to their chiefs; so the people opened their doors with an " Aloha nui loa " to us in words and acts, and wherever we went a grand reception awaited us on arrival.

Our route was first to the eastward, past Diamond Head, Koko Head to the point of Makapur, then turning to the northward and around to Waimanalo, where we found ourselves the guests of Ah Kua, a very wealthy Chinaman, who owned a large plantation there devoted to the cultivation of rice. Intelligence of our approach must have travelled faster than we had ridden; for as soon as our cavalcade drew near to this estate we were greeted with a discharge of firecrackers and bombs, let off to do honor to the presence of the heir to the throne and her companions.

There was no cessation of the salutes during the feast of good things which had been spread by Ah Kau for our refreshment, to which and to the professions of loyalty on the part of our host, we did ample justice. From thence we proceeded to Maunawili, the beautiful residence of Mr.

Edwin Boyd, whose doors were already opened for our reception; and here we spent the night and remained an entire day, enjoying the entertainment prepared for us, which can be described in no better terms than by saying that we received a royal welcome indeed. Our progress continued on the day following through Kaneohe, our noonday rest being at the house of Judge Pii, where a generous lunch awaited us on the moment of our arrival. The people of that entire district had congregated to do us honor, and showed us in every way that there was no doubt or disloyalty in their hearts.

Yet, while still at Kaneohe, a letter was received by the Princess Likelike from her husband, in which that gentleman advised his wife to return to Honolulu, and stated it was his opinion that if it was the purpose of my tour to meet the people and cultivate their love, the time spent on the route would be wasted because they were all zealous partisans of Queen Emma.

My sister acquainted me with these views of her husband, and asked my advice as to her course. I did not wish to influence her in any way, and therefore left it to her option to continue the journey with me, or to take Mr. Cleghorn's advice. But we had already advanced far enough on our pathway amongst the people to prove that her husband had made a great mistake, for no heir to the throne could have been more royally received by all than I had been.

The princess had not failed to notice this, and as we proceeded it was still more apparent; the most zealous of Queen Emma's people, now that the question had been officially decided, hastened to do us honor. So, after due consideration, Princess Likelike decided that she would not return. A decision she had no after occasion to regret, and was one which made me very glad; for she was welcomed and showered with marks of favor by the very adherents of Queen Emma, of whose disappointment she had been warned by her husband.

It would be tiresome to others, perhaps, should I go on and describe with minute particulars the steps of our party as they passed around the island. From place to place the reception was the same, cheerful, hearty, and enthusiastic, — Kahuku, Waialua, Makahao, Waianae, and so on to our latest stopping-place, which was with Mr.

James Campbell and his sweet wife at Honouliuli. He had the advantage of a little more time in his preparations for our reception than was possible to some of our other places of rest, and had spared no pains to give us an ovation in every way worthy of himself and his amiable companion. The result was a manifestation of kind feelings and generous hospitality such as, even at this distant day, cannot, no, nor ever will be, effaced from my memory.

From thence we started for Honolulu; and as it was noised abroad that the party would enter the city, there was scarcely space for our cavalcade to pass between the throngs of people which lined our way. From Leleo to Alakea Street it was a mass of moving heads, through which only slowly could our carriages, horses, and outriders pass. It was understood and accepted as a victorious procession; and out of sympathy for the disappointed dowager queen, our people refrained from noisy demonstrations and loud cheering, and instead the men removed their hats, and the women saluted as we passed.

I have been thus careful in reviewing this my first trip as heir to the throne, both because it is a pleasure to recall the memory of that epoch in my life, and further that I may speak with pride of the continued affection, of the unshaken love, of these my people. In some nations the leaders, the chief rulers, have gone forth through districts conquered by the sword and compelled the people to show their subjugation.

Our progress from beginning to end was a triumphal march, and might well be described as that awarded to victors; but there were no dying nor wounded mortals in our track. We had vanquished the hearts of the people, they showed to us their love, they welcomed me as Hawaiians always have the ruling chief; and to this day, without the slightest appeal on my part, they have shown that their love and loyalty to our family in general, and to myself in particular, have known no change nor diminution, even under the circumstances, now so different from those of twenty years ago.

IN the early part of the year I was not in the enjoyment of my usual good health; and my physician Dr. Tisdale of Oakland Cal. At this date steam communication was not as frequent nor as convenient as has since been established; yet we had very comfortable and pleasant accommodations on the steamer St. Paul, on which we departed. I was accompanied by my husband, General Dominis; and amongst the agreeable company on board were Mr. Allen, Mr. Nott, who married Miss Mary Andrews, and Mr. Berger, who married a daughter of Judge Weideman.

Besides these, I recall the names of Mrs. Dowsett and her son, J. Dowsett, both deceased and Mrs. The trip was made in nine days; and at its termination I obtained my first view of the shores of that great country, the United States, of which land I had heard almost without cessation from earliest childhood. If first impressions be accepted as auspicious, surely I found nothing of which I could complain on this visit; for many prominent citizens of the great city of the Pacific coast came to do us honor, or entertained us during our stay. Amongst these were my husband's old friend and playmate of earlier days, Governor Pacheco; also Mr.

Henry Bishop, brother of Mr. Bishop, who married my sister Bernice; Mr. Severance, at that time in the consular service of the Hawaiian government at San Francisco; Mr. Floyd and wife, the gentleman being connected with the great observatory established through the munificence of the late James Lick; Mr. Toler of Oakland; Mrs. Haalelea and Mrs. Coney at this time residing at Oakland with the children of Mrs. Coney ; and many others, who united to give us a delightful introduction from the islands of the tropics into that land with whose history we have been so intimately connected.

The first welcome of strange shores is not often forgotten by the traveller, however numerous may be the subsequent experiences; so these flattering attentions were most sincerely appreciated then, and have never ceased to awaken emotions of gratitude in my heart. While we did not travel extensively through the State, yet our visit to Sacramento must not be passed by without a word; for many were the visitors who called to welcome us while staying at the Golden Eagle Hotel.

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Amongst these I recall the name of Mr. First of all, let me give vent to the grateful feelings, which have been kindled within me by the favourable report as to the well-being, mental and bodily, of all the Royal family. I pray God, He may continue to bless and preserve them! If he cannot do this, he degenerates unwittingly into frivolity, and consequently into worthlessness. As I have forbidden my children to write to me about business or personal matters, I hear nothing from them. I only surmise that Prussia has been treated unhandsomely by England.

For if it comes one day to fighting for certain things that England wants, Prussia is the only Power that will be either willing or able to fight on the same motives. Another Concordat had been signed by the Grand Duke of Baden, at the instigation of his Prime Minister, Herr von Meysenburg, subject to the condition that it should be submitted for and be dependent upon legislative sanction. It was at this time waiting for discussion in the Chambers, and had excited a most hostile feeling throughout the Duchy, involving as it did a complete surrender on the part of the State of all rights connected with ecclesiastical affairs.

Its provisions were even more favourable to Rome than those of the Austrian Concordat. By it the Government deprived itself of all participation in the appointment of ecclesiastical functionaries. It gave the 8 The Baron had probably heard rumours from Berlin of intimate relations in course of being established between France and England, to the exclusion of the Northern Powers.

These had caused considerable disquietude at the Court of Berlin, which was not diminished by a somewhat curt refusal by Lord John Russell of an offer made by Prussia to come to an understanding with England on the Italian question. It placed the whole Catholic youth of Baden,. By these and other stipulations, it in effect restored to the clergy all the power which, together with the despotic government under which they groaned, had made the people of the Rhine country in accept without reluctance the dominion of the first Napoleon.

It was given 18th January in the following terms:'Your question,-Whether it is altogether right and expedient for a State to conclude a Concordact with the Pope? The State asserts its own superiority over its own subjects. But in Catholic States the Church is the State Church; hence the conflict Zwiespcclt , which, being rooted in a principle, is irreconcileable. Practically it has turned out that the popular resistance has been more than a match for the Church in her attempts at usurpation.

Her means of coercion were not powerful enough to place and keep the people in subjection; and she therefore needed the arm of the State in order to get her decrees recognised and put in force. In return for this secular aid 9 The Concordat was subsequently annulled, in pursuance of resolutions of the Chambers. Herr von Mevsenburg, by whom it had been negotiated, was superseded and a result averted, which, it was felt at the time, might have made the people of Baden sigh anew for the dependence on France, which at least had saved them from the tyranny of the clergy.

So it was of old, so is it now again of late years in Catholic countries. Now, however, every one must see that the mode of action is entirely altered. That supremacy to which the Church has set up a claim, but which she cannot enforce, she now effects through and receives from the State, whose supremacy she denies, allowing it in return merely nominal privileges, which do not secure for it any practical control of the Church.

In this way the State becomes the servant of the Church, and the Church keeps up a grudge against the State for intermeddling with her administration-an interference which she repudiates upon principle, and practically only tolerates because she is peace-loving? Here the Catholic Church is not merely in the position of setting up a disputed claim to supremacy, but is, moreover, charged with the divine mission to destroy the actually existing heretical Church, and to convert the people to the true faith. The power which she borrows and receives in this case from the secular arm by means of a Concordat becomes, therefore, an instrument not merely to tyrannise over the people, but also to convert the Protestant population and to annihilate the Protestant Church as being a Church that is false and usurping.

She cannot consent to the interference of the Protestant Sovereign with the government of the Catholic Church by way of counter concession; therefore even the equivalent, futile as it is, which she concedes in the case of a Catholic State, utterly fails.

What madness, then, is it for a Protestant Government to impose fetters upon itself, and to surrender its own weapons into the hands of the Catholic Church! Let it therefore leave the Catholic Church free from all control and from all pressure from that mixed civil and ecclesiastical authority which Catholic States affect, but at the same time let it not place at her disposal one jot of its own power. Should the Catholic Church. But the State should not be a party to a lesser act of oppression in order to protect its subjects against a greater, and so make itself responsible for injustice.

The oppressed will soon help themselves, and the Church, left to her own resources, will be wary how she acts. If she proceed to extreme measures, her subjects are very likely to turn Protestants. If, on the other hand, oppression be to their taste, they may be left to enjoy it. Under such a state of things persecution of the Protestants by the Catholic Church is simply impossible, for she has always made use of the State for that purpose, and that, being Protestant, will never lend itself to what would be suicidal.

ON the 24th of January Parliament was opened by the Queen in person. Her Majesty's Speech was fertile in topics for discussion. Juan, the promised Reform Bill, the question of National Defences, furnished materials for animated debate upon the Address in both Houses. In the House of Commons attention was chiefly concentrated on the affairs of Italy, where the prevailing rumours of an alliance, offensive and defensive, with France to prevent interference by any Foreign Power were made use of with great effect by Mr.

Disraeli to extract from the Government an explicit declaration of their policy. The very strong feeling against any such alliance elicited by Mr. Disraeli's speech showed conclusively that any engagement of this kind would have been fatal to the Ministry. No part of what he said commanded warmer applause than a passage in which, after depicting the absolute uncertainty that existed as to the solution which the Italians themselves would propose for the extrication of their affairs, he went on to say:-'What is the moral that I draw from these conflicting opinions?

It is that Italy is at the present rloment in a state far beyond the management and settlement of Courts, Cabinets, and Congresses. It is utterly impossible to create a national independence by protocols, and to guarantee public liberty by a Congress. All this has been tried before, and the consequence has been a sickly and short-lived offspring. Never mind what faults or previous. I say that what is going on in Italy can only be solved by the will, the energy, the sentiment, and thought of the population themselves.

The whole question, in my mind, is taken out of the sphere of Congresses and Cabinets. We are at this moment pure from any circumstances of previous interference in these affairs, and it is of the utmost importance that we should remain so. The French official press had now received instructions to prepare the way for this demand. Treaties,' it continued,'made in a spirit of hatred to France may have decided otherwise, but what they did in was done in violence to geography, to diplomacy, and in flagrant opposition to nature herself.

The Address to the Crown was carried without opposition, but not without indications that vigorous attacks would subsequently be made both upon the French treaty and the projected measure of Reform. Ashley in his iCfe of Lord Palmereton, vol. The day after to-morrow our common grandchild will celebrate his first birthday. For this day also accept, along with our dear cousin [the Princess of Prussia], our best wishes. May God prosper the dear little one for the welfare of his country and the joy of us all! The principle not to impose any fixed form of government upon the Italians by force of arms is unquestionably the right one.

The Emperor Napoleon is in a cleft stick between his promises to the Italian Revolution and those he has made to the Pope. The self-deceptive form of solution, which he has tried to effect by the Treaty of Villafranca, has but added to his difficulties, by fettering him with new relations towards Austria. He would fain burst these meshes, and make use of us for the purpose. Our constant aim is to prevent our being turned to account for this object, and in this we are in the fullest accord with the Cabinet and public opinion. He seems, however, not to be afraid of what is before him, and has -broken both with his whole clergy and with the great Protectionist party.

I believe that neither Catholicism nor Protection are so strong as they fancy themselves to be, and he will remain completely their master; but I am afraid that the consciousness of having weakened himself at home by the evocation of so many hostile spirits will compel him to seek elsewhere some compensation for the French national feeling, and it is in this way I explain to myself this sudden resurrection of eagerness for the incorporation of Savoy.

In France people are convinced that this has been already ef2, Au fond,' says M. Ii ne demandait pas mieux en effet, que d'avoir la main forcee, comme on le disait, de pouvoir se digager le mieux possible, et de couvrir du nom de l'Angleterre vis-a-vis de l'Autriche l'inexecution des engagements de Villafranca et de Zurich. The brochure, Le Pape et le Congr8s, and the letter to the Pope which followed, have no doubt elicited the most cordial approval; but for all that people are frightened at the irresponsibility which, betwixt night and morning, may break with everything which they thought, when they went to bed, was too sacred to be touched.

Possessing, as I believe they do in their treaties with England and France, the most favoured nation clauses, the treaty, by lowering the duties in both countries, actually makes them an important gift without any counter concession on their part. I foresee, moreover, that the adoption by France of the free-trade system must give Germany an impulse in the same direction, and that the advantages of that system will be greater for that country than any which can be foreseen for France.

We have made efforts to get Austria and France to recognise the principle of nonintervention. Austria replies: "I have not the least intention of intervening; still, however, I cannot tie my hands on the naked principle. As this evacuation cannot suit her book, it will be put off, especially if they have not abandoned all hope there of getting us to promise to uphold,-if need be, by force of arms,-the principle of non-intervention along with France -a purpose which, in our view, might have the object of putting that country in a safe position, should eventualities.

Doing this, like other folks, and frankly avowing it, I remain always They show with what delight he turned from politics to the thoughts that make the happiness of home: —'Windsor Castle, 25th January, May the auspicious beginning of this union form the exemplar for an auspicious future for it, and may God continue to bless as He has hitherto blessed it! In love consists the inward tie, in love is the fundamental principle of happiness. Very soon, in two days, the first birthday will be here of the dear little boy. Accept, both of you, for both dear festivals, the very warmest good wishes of my heart.

Time flies on with wonderful rapidity. Alice and Lenchen [Princess Helena] were present for the first time. It is due to the Emperor to bear in mind, that he had all along made us aware, that, if the war should result in establishing a great Italian kingdom in the hands of Victor Emmanuel, he should stipulate for the surrender of these provinces to France. Whether that kingdom was. That such a kingdom would now be created was beyond a doubt, for the States of Central Italy had already by votes of their Assemblies shown their determination to be annexed to Sardinia; and one of the Four Points' of Lord John Russell's proposal 17th January, for the settlement of the Italian question had in effect contemplated their doing so, by a second and more formal vote.

Lord John Russell had, in fact, done for the Emperor what the Emperor could not, consistently with his engagements at Villafranca, have done for himself, by putting before Austria as a condition essential for the peace of Europe, that Central Italy should be free to dispose of her own destiny. The Emperor was not slow to avail himself of the advantage thus given to him.

Accordingly, his Foreign Minister, M. It reported a 3 These four points were: 1. Non-intervention of France and Austria in Italy, unless called upon to intervene by the unanimous assent of the five Great Powers of Europe. French troops, at a convenient time and with proper precautions, to withdraw from Lombardy and Rome. The internal government of Venetia not to be interfered with by the European Powers. Sardinia to be invited by Great Britain and France not to send any troops into Central Italy, until its States and Provinces should, by a new vote of their Assemblies, have declared their wishes as to their future destination.

Thouvenel had said, that, as there was now every appearance of Sardinia becoming an important kingdom by the annexation of the Duchies and the Romagna, it would be impossible to leave in the hands of that kingdom the passes by which France might be invaded. France had a right to take precautions against such an eventuality, and the Emperor could not answer to the French nation if he were to permit Sardinia to be aggrandised at the expense of France, by means of French treasure and French blood.

The annexation of Savoy to- France had nothing alarming in it. It would not be an act of conquest. It could give no additional strength to France, but it would make her secure on a frontier, which was now entirely open. It is very unsatisfactory. The Austrians are ready to be quiet, provided they are not attacked at home. This is all that can be fairly asked of them, if they prefer leaving France loose to binding her by an international engagement not to interfere in Italy.

But French appetite for change is insatiable. His assent to the second of these, which prescribed the withdrawal of the French army from the North of Italy, was guarded by the condition that this should not take place until the European Powers had come to an understanding to'guarantee the new organisation of Italy. We have been made regular dupes. We were asked to make proposals about Italy, to " lay the basis for a mutual agreement with France " upon that question, to enable the Emperor "to release himself from his engagements to Austria.

Sardinia is being aggrandised solely at the expense of Austria and the House of Lorraine, and France is to be compensated! If the passes of the Alps are dangerous to a neighbour, the weaker Power must give them up to the stronger! Thouvenel's Despatch in answer to Lord John's proposal. France accepts the principle of non-intervention in Italy, but she gives us to understand that she will not withdraw her army from Lombardy, until the Italian question is satisfactorily and permanently settled.

This settlement is therefore on the principle of nonintervention to be made under her bayonets! If the Savoyards, by a great numerical majority, petition Parliament for separation, the question will be treated parliamentarily. But I tell you frankly, that the best way to meet this question is openly and frankly, and in no other way will I ever consent to meet it. His representations were enforced by the unanimous voice of the English press, and also of the leading statesmen on both sides in a discussion which was raised on the subject in the House of Lords by Lord Normanby on the t;h of February.

The prevailing sentiment created by the rumour that the proposed annexation was the fulfilment of a compact entered into before the war was expressed in the following passage of a speech by Earl Grey on this occasion:'When we remember the language that was used in France before the breaking out of the war, the solemn protestations of her desire, up to the last moment, to preserve peace, her asseverations, even after the war had made some progress, that she had no selfish object in view, and had no inten-: tion of promoting her territorial aggrandisement-can we believe, that all these assertions were made, while at the same time there existed a private stipulation for dividing the prey, entered into before the quarrel took place, and before the booty could be obtained?

If such a compact were entered into between France and Sardinia, I say it would be difficult to find in the annals of the world a case of more flagrant iniquity. I hope these things are not true. All that his biographer, M. It would have been far better had Cavour at once avowed the existence of the arrangement, and justified it on the grounds on which he had to justify it in the end:' The true ground is that the treaty [for the cession of Savoy] is an integral palt of our policy, the logical and inevitable consequence of a past policy, and an absolute necessity for the carrying on of this policy in the future.

These strong expressions of opinion created much soreness of feeling in France, which naturally looked for some compensation for its blood and treasure expended in the Italian campaign. They were most unwelcome to the Emperor, who could not now, even if he would, have receded from the position he had taken up. He complained to Lord Cowley 9th February that'he should be so much misunderstood, and that nobody ever gave him credit for the sincerity of his intentions.

It was unfair to call the annexation of a small mountainous district to France by the name of conquest or aggrandisement. It would be nothing but a measure of legitimate defence. It was not unnatural for Europe to apprehend that France might equally want, in a short time, to put other parts of the frontier, which she might consider to be weak, in a better state of defence, and might ask, for instance, for the frontier of the Rhine!

People," I said, "who knew nothing of His Majesty personally, could only judge him by his acts, and those acts tended to create alarm. Lord Cowley, had he been free to speak his whole thought, would no doubt have met the Emperor's complaint, that he did not get credit for the'sincerity of his intentions,' by the remark that for France to make a claim on Savoy and Nice, now the war was over, was not calculated to inspire confidence in her sincerity, when she had, both diplomatically and in the personal and public declarations of the Emperor, declared that in going to war she had only the liberation of Italy and no aggrandisement to herself in view.

He might also have reminded the Emperor, that it was to these declarations the passive attitude of Europe had been mainly owing. If, moreover, the liberty of Italy was then the object, it must have included the liberty of choosing her own internal government, with the possibility of the constitution of a single powerful State, of which it did not follow of necessity that the King of Sardinia should be the head.

Some people said there had been a treaty signed at Prince Napoleon's marriage, to which the Emperor himself even had affixed his signature. Others, that the engagement was of a less solemn nature, though engagement there was. What were the facts? To this the Emperor replied with a smile, that although secrets were secrets, he had no objection to explain precisely what had taken place. Previously to Prince Napoleon's marriage, the possibility of war with Austria had been discussed between the French and Sardinian Governments, and, among other arrangements depending on it, it was stipulated on the part of France that, if the events of the war were to give the kingdom of Sardinia a population of ten or twelve million souls, France would put forward a claim to Savoy.

These arrangements remained in. So far as Lord Cowley could form a conclusion from this statement, and from what was known through other channels, Cavour had not absolutely admitted the claim of France to Savoy in certain eventualities, but only that it might be discussed between the two Governments.

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Nevertheless, the Emperor obviously considered him as morally bound to consent to it, and his hesitation about carrying out the arrangement was a subject of great discontent in the Imperial circle. Lord Cowley's opinion was, that there had been fast and loose play,-that Cavour, though by no means pledged, had allowed the Emperor to suppose he might have Savoy, in order to secure his co-operation in the war, and that the Emperor took this for more than it was worth. The conclusion arrived at by Lord Cowley is probably the true one.

Cavour was perhaps not absolutely bound; and would have saved Savoy and Nice if he could. But what he had now to consider was,-could he, without propitiating the Emperor by the sacrifice of these provinces, secure his consent to the incorporation of Central Italy with Sardinia, or, could he, without that consent, effect the liberation of. The treaty of cession of Savoy and Nice to France, signed on the 24th of March, and presented by Cavour to the Sardinian Chambers on the 12th of April following, and then approved by as against 33 votes, was his answer.

But so reluctant was he, that it was not until he was shown by M. Benedetti an order from the Emperor of the French to move the French troops from Lombardy to Tuscany, that he could bring himself to sign the treaty. Full of anxiety as they were about the aspect of affairs in Europe, and the possible results of Mr. Gladstone's statement that evening, they did not, in writing to Baron Stockmar, allude to matters of political interest.

The dear anniversary, and what it brought of remembrance, and gratitude, and hope-to speak of that alone was enough for them and him. And it was thus they wrote:-'I cannot let this day come to a close without writing you a line. It is twenty!! I see you still standing in the pew not far from the chancel, as the negotiator of the marriage treaty, when I made my entry into the Chapel between Papa and Ernest!

We have gone through much since then, and tried hard after much that is good; if we have not always succeeded, the will at least was good, and we cannot be sufficiently grateful to heaven for many a blessing and many a success! You have been to us a true friend and wise counsellor, and if now we are separated by distance, and old age and feeble health do not allow you to lend the same active aid as in days of yore, we are still united in feeling and in spirit, and shall continue the same, so long as this earthly garment shall hang -together. Artom, speaking of Count Cavour,'feat le seul de sa vie 2 olitziqe oib i n'capporta pas cette sorte de sereinte heroique qd'il diployait daes les situations les plus graves.

They will occupy Bologna and Florence. To-morrow we make our way to town. The children are to give me a surprise forthwith, which is to remain a profound secret to me till half-past six. Words cannot express my gratitude and my happiness. I wish I could think I had made one as happy as he has made me.

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But this is not for want of love and devotion. Few possess as much. My kindest wishes to you, too! Cobden, between England and France, had been signed at Paris on the 23rd of January, and ratified on the 4th of February. It had been announced that it would be laid before Parliament on the 6th of February by IMr. Gladstone, and that he would at the same time make his financial statement. Public expectation was greatly disappointed on both points by a delay till the 10th, which was rendered necessary by the illness of 3ir. Gladstone, who had set his heart upon the treaty being produced simultaneously with his Budget.

The discussions which had arisen in regard to Savoy and Nice had helped to inflame the curiosity of the public. The treaty with a neighbouring State, the conduct of whose Sovereign had aroused so much angry suspicion as to his ulterior designs, was sure to be jealously scanned; and indeed there would probably have been little disposition to look with favour upon any commercial treaty, had the project of annexation been earlier known.

In a speech of upwards of three hours, BMr. Gladstone explained his Budget, in connection with the provisions of the French treaty, by which its financial arrangements were materially affected. While all were fascinated by the clearness of exposition, the comprehensiveness of view, and the eloquence which distinguished this address, the scheme which it developed provoked much unfavourable criticism. George's Hall. The prospect for the coming year, too, was far from encouraging. It showed a deficit of more than nine millions, the estimated charges being 70,, This deficiency Mr.

Gladstone proposed to meet by renewing the Income Tax at an increased rate,-tenpence in the pound on incomes above The weight of these burdens all could appreciate. They were imminent and certain. The advantages to result from closer commercial relations with France, and the reduction of the import duties on French wine and brandy, on which lMr. Gladstone mainly rested to persuade the country to bear for a time the disturbance of the equilibrium between its revenue and expenditure, were speculative, possibly remote, and in any case open to much discussion.

At once the policy both of the treaty and of the Budget was challenged. But after animated debates in both Houses of Parliament, continued through many months, it was affirmed by large majorities in all important details. In the case of the Budget, however, there was one important exception, the item of a proposed abolition of the Paper duties.

This proposal, which in other circumstances would have been generally welcome, and was objected to mainly on the ground that in the face of so large a deficit it was wholly inopportune, narrowly escaped defeat even in the House of Commons, having voted against it on the third reading of the Bill, while only voted for it. When the measure came before the House of Lords 21st May it was rejected by a majority of no less than No skill in the handling of figures less consummate, no rhetoric less persuasive, than those of Mr.

Gladstone, no confidence less robust than that entertained by the country in his sagacity as a financier, could have carried a Budget so startling and so bold with success through the storm of opposition which it had to encounter. The treaty with France, on which it so largely rested, had fallen out of favour with we may think of the Budget it introdcluced, the speech will remain among the Pmonuments of English eloquence as long as the language lasts.

Such advantages as it offered seemed too like a lure to conciliate objections to the annexation of Savoy,-an imputation freely launched against it, indeed, by the French Protectionists. And even these advantages seemed to be more than counterbalanced by those which under the treaty France had secured for herself. What she most wanted, our coal and iron, we bound ourselves to give to her for ten years free of duty, while we were also pledged to abolish all duties on French manufactured goods, and to reduce the duty on brandy from 15s.

These changes were to take immediate effect; while, on the other hand, France retained all her prohibitory duties on English productions unaltered until the 1st of October, , when she engaged, not to abolish them, as we had done, but only to reduce them to a maximum ad-valoreim duty of 30 per cent. On the whole, however, the manufacturers of England were not dissatisfied with the arrangements. The treaty was a step in the right direction, and calculated as it was to bind the two countries closer together by the ties of mutual interest, it would, under ordinary circumstances, have been received with general favour, and not with the cold and grudging assent by which it was ultimately adopted by Parliament.

Byng, for an Address to Her Majesty, expressing its satisfaction with the treaty.

This result relieved the Emperor of the French from apprehensions that it might be rejected, which had not unnaturally been awakened by the vehement language used in Parliament on the subject of the annexation of Savoy; and on the 11th he wrote to Lord Cowley, begging him to convey to Mr.

Gladstone his thanks for a copy which that gentleman had sent him of his Budget speech, in terms studiously framed to allay the irritation and distrust which the Emperor was by this time painfully conscious he had aroused. After saying that he will preserve the speech'as a precious souvenir of a man who has my thorough esteem, and whose eloquence is of a lofty character commensurate with the grandeur of his views,' the Emperor continued:.

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Despite the difficulties which surround me, despite the prejudices which still exist in France, as they do in England, I shall always continue to do everything in my power to cement more and more closely the alliance of the two nations, for it is my profound conviction that their harmonious action is indispensable for the good of civilisation, and that their antagonism would be a calamity to all.

While saying this, I would ask you, my dear Lord Cowley, to forgive me, if occasionally I give too warm expression to the pain I feel at seeing the animosities and the prejudices of another age springing up afresh in England, like those weeds that will spring up fresh and fresh, let ploughshare and harrow do what they will. Let us hope that the science of politics will make as much progress as agriculture and industry, and that man's intelligence will bring his evil passions under subjection, as it has already shown itself able to dominate matter.

Smarting under the severity of the remarks upon his conduct in the House of Commons the night previously,8 the Emperor, in making the round of the diplomatic circle between the first and second parts of the concert, addressed some hasty words to Lord Cowley in the hearing of some of his colleagues, which Lord Cowley was not disposed to pass over in silence, as M. Hiibner on a recent memorable occasion had done. In a manner and tone very 8 What was then said was but a renewal of what had been said with no less bitterness on several previous occasions, sometimes in language calculated to offend the French nation no less than the Emperor.

The danger of this was obvious, and on the 3rd of March, Mr. Bright spoke out what many thought when he said,' The opposition, if you give it, must be futile; you cannot prevent the transference of Savoy, but you may, if you like, embroil Europe and bring -England into collision with France. I say, Perish, Savoy! But the hon. Annex Belgium! The hon. Annex the Rhenish provinces of Germany!

We shall have a similar statement from the hon. His Majesty must be aware, rejoined Lord Cowley, wishing to avoid discussion at so unseasonable a moment, that there was quite as great irritation against England expressed in France. Was this to be wondered at, the Emperor replied, considering the terms and imputations applied in England to himself and to the French nation? They were only defending themselves against unfair attacks.

He had done all ill his power to maintain a good understanding with England, but her conduct rendered this impossible. What had England to do with Savoy?

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And why was she not satisfied with the declaration he had made to me, that he had no intention to annex Savoy to France without having previously obtained the consent of the Great Powers? Had he been authorised to convey that assurance to Her MSajesty's Government, the interpellations in Parliament which had roused the Emperor's indignation would long since have ceased, and Her IMajesty's Government and the country would have calmly awaited the decision at which the Great Powers might arrive. Some further words passed, when the Emperor, turning to the Russian Ambassador, General Kisseleff, in whose hearing this conversation had taken place, remarked that the conduct of England was inexplicable.

He had done all he could to keep on the best terms with her, but he was at his wit's end. What would have been the consequence, if, when she took possession of the island of Perim for the safety of her Eastern dominions, he had raised the same objections that she had now raised to the annexation of Savoy, which he wanted as much for the safety of France? The position of Lord Cowley was most embarrassing, and he was still meditating how he should deal with the difficulty, when the Emperor again came up to him, and was beginning in the same strain.

This time, happily, no one was by. Lord Cowley at once checked the further progress of remarks in a direction already sufficiently dangerous, by saying that he considered himself justified in calling the Emperor's attention to the unusual course he had adopted, in in. That His Majesty, Lord Cowley added, if he had, or thought he had, cause for remonstrance, should address himself to him, was not only natural, but the very course he should always beg His M1ajesty to take, because discussion was the safety-valve for pent-up feeling.

Or, if His Majesty thought it right to complain of the conduct of England to the Russian Ambassador, good and well, so that it was not done in his Lord Cowley's presence. But it was not compatible with his own dignity or the dignity of the Government he represented, that complaints respecting England should be addressed to him in the hearing of the Russian Ambassador, or to the Russian Ambassador in his hearing. Leaving then the official tone, Lord Cowley appealed to the Emperor to consider whether he had been properly dealt with, remembering the personal regard, and the anxiety to smooth over difficulties between the two Governments, which in his official capacity he had always shown, even at the risk of exposing himself to be suspected of being more French than he ought to be.

The Emperor felt at once the mistake he had made, and with an earnestness which placed his regret beyond a doubt, again and again assured Lord Cowley that he had spoken without any bad intention. He had just read what had occurred in Parliament the night before, and was greatly hurt at the strictures passed upon his conduct. It was not of the Government either that he had spoken, but of those who attacked him; and he begged Lord Cowley would think no more of what had occurred.

Before the conversation broke off, Lord Cowley had an opportunity of putting the true state of the case very plainly before his Imperial host. Had Prussia, or one of the Continental Powers, said the Emperor, taken up the question of Savoy, he could have understood it, but not a word of remonstrance had proceeded from any of them. That silence, Lord Cowley at once replied, could scarcely be relied on as indicating approbation; but however this might be, the position of Her Majesty's Government was very different from that of the other Powers.

How could they remain silent in presence of the questions respecting Savoy, which were put to them night after night? And how could it be otherwise? What could the English people think on its becoming known, in spite of His Majesty's declarations both before and during the war, that, in going to war, he meditated no special advantages for France, that overtures had positively been made to Sardinia months before for the eventual cession of Savoy? Why had His Majesty not told us fairly, in commencing the war, that if, by the results of the war, the territory of Sardinia should be greatly augmented, he might be obliged, in deference to public opinion in France, to ask for some territorial advantage?

Such a declaration, although it might have rendered the British Government still more anxious to prevent the war, would have prevented all the manifestation of public opinion of which His Majesty complained. The Emperor could not but feel the weight of these observations, to which it was impossible to reply; neither was it in the Emperor's character, in which candour to an adversary formed a large element, to resent them.

It was certainly to the honour of both the parties, that owing to the firmness of the one, and the readiness to admit his error in the other, no evil consequences ensued from an incident which might easily have resulted in serious consequences. In sending Lord Cowley's account of it to the Queen, Lord John Russell wrote:'The strange scene related in it -will remind your Majesty of some scenes already famous in the history of Napoleon I.

Lord John Russell,' he added,'requests your Majesty's permission to write a secret Despatch in answer, entirely approving the conduct and language of Lord Cowley. The circumstance is useful, as proving that the Emperor, if met with firmness, is more likely to retract than if cajoled, and that the statesmen of Europe have much to answer for, for having spoiled him in the last ten years by submission and cajolery. The expressions of opinion in the House of Commons have evidently much annoyed the Emperor If Europe were to stand together, and make an united declaration against the annexation of Savoy, the evil might still be arrested, but less than that will not suffice.

The Emperor's last concession to Lord Cowley is still very vague, leaving him free to do very much what he pleases. So late as the 5th of March, in the debate in the House of Commons, by which the Emperor had been so greatly annoyed, Lord John Russell had expressed his personal conviction, that, if the language of disapproval were heard in Berlin, in Vienna, and in St. Petersburg, the project of annexation would not be persevered in. This conviction he had soon occasion to abandon. The other Powers were not indisposed to let the French Emperor know, that his theory of natural frontiers was one they could not admit, and that any attempt to apply it in other quarters would meet with general resistance, but none of them were inclined to join in an effective protest against the carrying out of the arrangement between the Courts of the Tuileries and of Turin, as the price of the Emperor's consent to the erection of Northern and Central Italy into one kingdom with Sardinia.

ON the 11th and 12th of March, a vote by ballot and universal suffrage took place in Tuscany and the 2Emilia on the question, whether these were to be erected into a separate kingdom, or to be incorporated with Sardinia. By an overwhelming majority the latter alternative was adopted, and the homage of these States was forthwith presented at Turin by Signor Farini on behalf of the IEmilia, and by Baron Ricasoli on behalf of Tuscany, and accepted by King Victor Emmanuel.

It only now remained to carry out the counterpart of the arrangement. WThen the intended annexation of Savoy to France first became known, Switzerland became alarmed, and claimed that the districts of Chablais and Faucigny, which had been handed over in to Sardinia under a guarantee for their neutrality, should be transferred to Switzerland, as a measure of protection to their frontier.

The Swiss Government were for a time induced by M. Thouvenel to believe that their claim would be entertained. Count Cavour, on the other hand, had frankly told them from the first to expect no concession, and that France would take her stand upon the ground that her obligations to Europe were satisfied by her agreeing to accept the transfer of Savoy, subject to the conditions as to maintaining the neutrality of Chablais and Faucigny imposed on Sardinia by the Treaty of Vienna in So soon as the annexation of Savoy was assured, this attitude was definitively taken up by France.

Thouvenel addressed to the representatives of the Great Powers 13th March a long and laboured justification of the annexation of Savoy and Nice, which, he maintained,.

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A Conference of the Powers was proposed to settle what conditions should be arranged for maintaining the neutrality of Chablais and Faucigny. Much diplomatic action was wasted in an attempt to bring about this Conference. But the project, as will presently be seen, ultimately fell through. The attention of Europe, turned to the sudden and startling development of events in Southern Italy, which followed on the incorporation of the Central States with Sardinia, was diverted from the grievance and probable danger to Switzerland; and the Swiss Confederation, after a vain appeal to the European Powers, was compelled to submit to the disappointment of its hopes.

While these events were in progress, the Prince received the following letter from the Prince Regent of Prussia, in reply to his own of the 25th of January p. I put off answering you from day to day, as I was always counting on some termination to the political crisis, which would admit of a survey both retrospective and prospective. This point seems to me now to have been reached, the answers of Prussia and of Russia to the English Four Points having been given, and the English Ministry having spoken out boldly in Parliament against Napoleon and his desire to incorporate Savoy.

Napoleon has consequently himself given up this point in his last set of proposals, and dropped the idea of a fresh vote by universal suffrage. He makes, moreover, an energetic stand against the annexation of Tuscany to Sardinia, while he is ready to countenance the annexation of the two small Duchies. Thus, no doubt, a great part of the Peace of Villafranca is unquestionably upset; but the situation of the two Duchies is of such a nature, that even we, who must always take our stand upon the basis of legitimacy, must soon be forced to acknowledge a fait accompli, as years ago we did in the case of Belgium.

At your request we have given our opinion to the same effect, although, according to Napoleon's Speech from the Throne, this question is to be laid before the Great Powers-a step from which a very different kind of answer may be expected, if a previous understanding be come to by England and Prussia, as well as by Russia probably, and by Austria certainly. This appears to me in the end, after long vacillation of opinion, to be a point on which the Four Powers are in accord; so that, without forming any coalition, or even alliance, a moral consensus of opinion may be opposed to the French desire of annexation.

To me this seems to be of the last importance at the present juncture. No one is more interested in the question than Prussia and Germany, because of the left bank of the Rhine, which corresponds exactly to what the versants des Alpes as a geographical protective line would be, in the event of an invasion by the Alpine passes. In this point of view we are therefore more interested, and bound to speak out against schemes of annexation of this kind, than all the other Great Powers, so that an approval of them may not at some future day be cited against us as a precedent, and that you, too, may not by acquiescence now have to take part some day in forcing upon us a surrender of the left bank of the Rhine.

You say very truly in your letter p. But is it not equally just, when you are ap1 The Prince Regent refers here to the second of three propositions, which, finding that Austria demurred to the most material of the English Four Points, M. Thouvenel had, on the 13th of February, propounded for a settlement of the Italian question. These were: 1.

Annexation of the Duchies to Sardinia. Temporal administration of the Legations of the Romagna, under the form of a Vicariat, exercised by the King of Sardinia, in the name of the Holy See. Re-establishment of Tuscany in its political and territorial independence. Thouvenel could never have intended these propositions to do more than keep up the game of diplomatic word-play, while the negotiations between himself and Count Cavour were being matured. There is only one exception admissible, and that is where the people have covenanted rights on their side, as in the case of Schleswig-Holstein.

In Italy it is quite different. There the Sovereigns have on their side rights secured to them by treaty, and all that the people desire is seasonable reforms, which unhappily the Sovereigns have failed to grant at the right time. But they have not on their side any covenanted rights to such reforms.

At the same time the probability is, that the failure of these Sovereigns to grant reform at the right time will result in their being deposed. Oh, that this example might open the eyes of many a German Sovereign! But, so far from its doing so, they grow blinder and blinder. But I was not so convinced that he would win over public opinion in England to look with favour on the Commercial Treaty.

The vote of Parliament shows, however, beyond a doubt, that it will be accepted. I entirely agree with you that it may prove to be of importance to Germany, and that the Customs Union will ultimately adapt itself to the Free-trade principles, after which Prussia has constantly been striving, but striving in vain. But whether this point will not have slipped away before we have come to an understanding is hard to say; for events in Italy are developing at a rapid pace The most formidable impediment to the execution of the whole plan was no doubt Switzerland